The President's Address on Freedom and Security

Ladies and gentlemen, the very word secrecy is repugnant in a free and open society. And we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, the secret oaths, and the secret proceedings. We decided long ago that the dangers of excessive and unwarranted concealment of pertinent facts far outweigh the dangers which are cited to justify it. Even today, there is little value in opposing the threat of a closed society by imitating its obituary restrictions. Even today, there is little value in ensuring the survival of our nation. If our traditions do not survive with it. And there is very grave danger that an announced need for increased security will be seized upon by those anxious to expand its meaning to the very limits of official censorship and concealment. That I do not intend to permit to the extent that it is in my control. And no official of my administration, whether his rank is higher low, civilian or military, should interpret my words here tonight as an excuse to sense the news, to stifle to stamp, to cover up our mistakes, or to withhold from the press and the public, the facts they deserve to know. For we are opposed around the world by a monolithic and ruthless conspiracy that relies primarily on covet means for expanding its fear of influence, on infiltration instead of invasion. On subversion instead of elections. On intimidation instead of free choice, on guerrillas by night instead of armies by day. It is a system which has conscripted vast human and material resources into the building of a tightly knit, highly efficient machine that combines military, diplomatic intelligence, economic, scientific and political operations. Its preparations are concealed not published. Its mistakes are buried, not headline. Its dissatisfaction is a silence, not praised. No expenditure is questioned, no rumor is preded, no secret is revealed. No president should fear public scrutiny of his program. From that scrutiny comes understanding and from that understanding comes support or opposition and both unnecessary. I am not asking your newspapers to support at administration, but I am asking your health and the tremendous task of informing and alerting the American people. Where I have complete confidence. In the response and dedication of our citizens whenever they are fully informed. I not only could not stifle controversy among your readers, I welcome them. This administration intends to be candid about its errors. For as a wise man once said, an error doesn't become a mistake until you refuse to correct it. We intend to accept full responsibility for our errors and we expect you to point them out when we miss them. Without debate, without criticism, no administration and no country can succeed and no republic can survive. That is why the Athenian lawmaker Solan, decreed it a crime for any citizen who shrink from controversy. And that is why our press was protected by the first amendment. The only business in America, specifically protected by the Constitution, not primarily to amuse and entertain. Not to emphasize the trivial and the sentimental. Not to simply give the public what it wants, but to inform, to arouse, to reflect, to state our dangers and our opportunities, to indicate our crises and our choices, to lead, mold, educate and sometimes even anger, public opinion. This means greater coverage and analysis of international news. For it is no longer far away and far in, but close at hand and local. It means greater attention to improve the understanding of the news as well as improved transmission. And it means finally that government at all levels must meet its obligation to provide you with a fullest possible information outside the narrowest limits of national security. And so it is to the printing press, to the recorder of man's deeds, the keeper of his conscience, the courier of his news that we look for strength and assistance. Confidence that with your help, man will be what he was born to be free and independent.