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Dick D'Amato and people like him know this is real, but they cannot get their hands around it or control the expenditures. Access to these projects has nothing to do with rank or position. Access has to do with whether or not you are willing to go along with the secrecy. That is the only criterion that matters: whether you are willing to play along with the agenda. operation and disclose it—the President will end up like Jack Kennedy." I thought he was joking, and, to be honest with you, I laughed out loud. I truly thought, "Oh, come on." But no, he was deadly serious. And he made it very clear that he was serious. So it went from crisis to crisis as I came to realise that the government of the United States—and of every other nation—was really hostage to an illegal, rogue group that had technologies that could do circles around a B-2 Stealth bomber and could, at will, terminate a presidency or terminate any other person who got in its way. This was made very clear to me by people who were in the inner circle of the greatest corridors of power on Earth. Obviously, this weighed on me very heavily. I would say the period between 1992 and 1998...those six years were extremely traumatic for me. I would keep my chin up and publicly keep moving forward, but on a deep personal level it was devastating. I never lost faith in what we should do, but it was made very clear to me that the task was enormous, that the hour was late and that the stakes could not be They are mainly in the corporate, institutional, financial and technology sectors. The government of "We, the People" is the least important component of it, and this includes the military, the CIA, the NSA, the NRO, Army intelligence, Air Force intelligence—all of that is window dressing for an operation that's quite outside it. The real action is a hybrid group that is quasi-governmental but mostly privatised and utterly transnational—and completely illegal. Some of the chieftains of that group invited me to meet with them after I had met with the CIA director. In advance of the meeting with the CIA director, my contact to Woolsey was terrified by the idea that anyone would find out about the meeting. He was doing everything through FedEx, and he wanted me to talk with him on the phone at telephone booths, talking in acode! I said, "We don't need to bother doing that, because the group that we're up against has technologies that can frustrate any system you can devise." Well, he had been on the shortlist to be Clinton's Secretary of the Navy. So he knew the spook world fairly well. But he had been in the conventional military and intelligence world. I knew what we were up against, but he didn't. So he said, "Oh, no, we have to do this. You're just a doctor! I've been in all these circles, and we have to be careful." So I humoured him. I tried to explain to him that there was no way to frustrate the surveillance capabilities of this covert group, because they had non-local, "scalar" technologies that would enable them to bypass entire generations of electronics. Even the state-of-the-art NSA and NRO stuff is nothing compared to what they have, because what they have are electronic interfaces with consciousness, where they can monitor things in real time all the time. Well, he didn't know this. I knew it and had remote-viewed them remote-viewing Inside the shadow government Those who shouldn't be in control but are comprise an illegal, rogue, break-off group that is transnational and whose members are not only ruthless and murderous but operate completely without any legal authority. When you're dealing with something as fundamentally important as this, involving technologies as powerful as those described, you begin to realise the risks to the world of allowing this masquerade to go on, unchecked, decade after decade after decade. In 1994, an FOB (a friend of Bill Clinton) came to my home after I had briefed the CIA director. He was a very easygoing, affable guy. He said, "You know, everyone agrees with what you're recommending, but there's a consensus that if the President does what you've suggested to him and to the CIA director—that they exert executive power to get inside this greater. You have to understand the compartmented nature of these interlocking interests that are keeping all this secret. to me. So I went along with his game. But before I had the meeting on December 13, 1993, someone who had been tied into these projects in the military in Arizona came to me and said: "I understand you're going to be meeting with Jim Woolsey, the CIA director, about such and such on this date." I said, "I won't confirm or deny that, but isn't it interesting that you would comment on it?” I reported this to my contact and had to "No, it's not an invasion. I was just wondering if | could charge-up my phone." 66 = NEXUS www.nexusmagazine.com OCTOBER — NOVEMBER 2006