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Rhodes, in contrast, seemed to have few such qualms about the wily Milner. According to Rhodes's private secretary, Philip Jourdan, the Colossus "had the highest opinion of the abilities of Lord Milner as an administrator" and the two "frequently met in South Africa and discussed political matters".** Such was Rhodes's regard for the bureaucrat that in July 1901 he asked Milner—who was already privy to Rhodes's secret society scheme—to become one of his trustees. Milner was suitably obliging, accepting with a letter expressing his "complete sympathy" for Rhodes's "broad ambitions for the [British] race".” It was perhaps inevitable that the more reliable Milner, steeped in the ways of the British Establishment and possessing a more level-headed personality and unstinting devotion to the cause of imperial unity, became Rhodes's preferred heir to realise his dream of imperial federation. As for the easily overawed and socially crusading Stead, Rhodes removed his name from his final will, citing Stead's "extraordinary eccentricity"—a reference to both his support for the Boers and what Whyte describes as Stead's newfound "obsession with spooks".” During the 1890s, Stead had developed a growing fascination with the paranormal, including clair- voyance, ghosts and communicating with spirits. He was a Theosophist and had met the founder of Theosophy, Madame Blavatsky, in 1888 when she came to London. Stead admit- ted to being both "delighted with" and "repelled by" Blavatsky, but the relationship was such that she later sent the Theosophist Secret Doctrine to his offices for review."' These interests had diminished his public standing and had obvi- ously raised doubts in Rhodes's mind as to his overall reliability. Milner, in contrast, had no such stains on his pub- lic reputation or eccentricities. o have few such qualms about the = which would “have representatives from every part of [the iodes's private secretary, Philip empire]".° highest opinion of the abilities of Smith's vision was, however, very much ahead of its time, and r" and the two "frequently met in _ the idea of imperial union or federation did not re-emerge in dolitical matters".** Such was Britain until the 1820s when an increasing number of colonies icrat that in July 1901 he asked appeared to be agitating for self-government. Fearing that the ivy to Rhodes's secret society Empire might break up, a growing number of British parliamen- s trustees. Milner was suitably tarians, journalists, businessmen and other influential figures *tter expressing his "complete endorsed the idea of the colonies having some form of direct or ambitions for the [British] race".” indirect representation in Westminster. e more reliable Milner, steeped in The debates over this issue canvassed three options for "Empire ishment and possessing a more federalism": parliamentary—the colonies having sitting members astinting devotion to the cause of | in Westminster, while retaining their own legislature; extra- 2s's preferred heir to realise his parliamentary—the colonies being represented in Westminster by agents acting alone or together as a Colonial Board; and super- isocially crusading Stead, Rhodes _ parliamentary—the imperial federation model of a central | will, citing Stead's "extraordinary — parliament. These debates were short-lived, though, once it oth his support for the Boers and —_ became apparent that relatively few colonies were sufficiently well established or at odds with London to want to break away from Britain's orbit. The idea surfaced again in the 1870s and 1880s, then in reaction to the threat posed to Britain's great power status by Russia, the United States and Germany. During this new round of political debates over imperial federation, the concept of an imperial council emerged as the most popular option. In a speech in 1872, for example, Benjamin Disraeli, then Leader of the Opposition, endorsed the idea of a "representative council" in Westminster "which would have brought the colonies into constant and _ continuing relations with the Home Government”. Other advocates suggested the creation of a special Colonial Council or a Colonial Committee in the Privy Council.“ At the forefront of these late Alfred Milner (1854-1925) (Photo by Elliott & Fry, 19th century efforts to promote from H. W. Wilson, With the Flag to Pretoria, 1902) imperial federation was one of the Round Table's predeces- Je, but because of the means by sors—the Imperial Federation League (IFL). Founded in 1884 by Indeed, the idea of imperial fed- Francis de Labilliere, an Australian lawyer, and Sir John Colomb, Milner, Rhodes, Ruskin, Parkin or formerly of the British Royal Navy, the League aimed to "secure tching back to the time of the by Federation the unity of the Empire" by uniting Britain with its ce. Adam Smith, for example, colonies in "perfect equality". ato the Nature and Causes of the Parkin and Milner were both involved in the IFL; Milner's role agnising that the dispute stemmed was indirect, while Parkin's was as a full-time agent of the group, fusal to be "taxed by a parliament — conducting tours of Australia and New Zealand on the IFL's d", Smith advocated that represen- behalf and later becoming its chief speaker and propagandist. union of Great Britain with her Following the IFL's demise in 1893, Milner was instrumental in raising funds so Parkin could continue to promote the cause of "assembly which deliberates and —_ imperial federation, although the funding was insufficient to sus- of every part of the empire" and tain this effort for long.” VISIONS OF IMPERIAL UNITY The identification of Milner Alfred Milner (1854-1925 and Rhodes with the cause of from H. W. Wilson, With 1 imperial federation is not because their vision was unique, but because of the means by which they sought to achieve it. Indeed, the idea of imperial fed- eration was not the property of Milner, Rhodes, Ruskin, Parkin or Stead, but had a history stretching back to the time of the American War of Independence. Adam Smith, for example, raised the idea in his Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776). Recognising that the dispute stemmed from the American colonists’ refusal to be "taxed by a parliament in which they are not represented", Smith advocated that represen- tation be ensured through "the union of Great Britain with her colonies". To this end, he envisaged an "assembly which deliberates and decides concerning the affairs of every part of the empire" and Alfred Milner (1854-1925) (Photo by Elliott & Fry, from H. W. Wilson, With the Flag to Pretoria, 1902) NEXUS + 27 FEBRUARY — MARCH 2005 www.nexusmagazine.com