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particularly strident Foreign Affairs article by Brzezinski, which insisted that "the active promotion of such trilateral cooperation must now become the central priority of US policy". With his new policy-planning organisation in hand, David paid a visit to Nixon's newly appointed Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, to inform him of the good news. No mention of this encounter can be found in Kissinger's massive three-volume mem- oirs; but at the Trilateral Commission's 25th anniversary dinner in 1998, he revealed what had transpired: In 1973, when I served as Secretary of State, David Rockefeller showed up in my office one day to tell me that he thought I needed a little help. I must confess, the thought was not self- evident to me at the moment. He proposed to forma group of Americans, Europeans and Japanese to look ahead into the future. And I asked him, "Who's going to run this for you, David?" He said, "Zbig Brzezinski..." I knew that Rockefeller meant it. He picked something that was impor - tant... When I thought about it there actually was a need." particularly strident Foreign Affairs article by Brzezinski, which of trilateralism as it put Europe in a subordinate role to the US, insisted that "the active promotion of such trilateral cooperation sparking much anger in Europe. Consequently, many Trilateralists must now become the central priority of US policy"."* airily dismissed Kissinger's proposal, suggesting that it had "sur- With his new policy-planning organisation in hand, David paida —_ face[ed] without any real prior consultation", "lack[ed] substance" visit to Nixon's newly appointed Secretary of State, Henry (Brzezinski), and amounted to "an Administration attack on the Kissinger, to inform him of the good news. No mention of this European Community" (Schaetzel)."* Irrespective of when the plu- encounter can be found in Kissinger's massive three-volume mem- tocrat's visit to Kissinger occurred, there can be no doubt that oirs; but at the Trilateral Commission's 25th anniversary dinner in Kissinger's incompetent attempts to launch trilateralism would only 1998, he revealed what had transpired: have reinforced David Rockefeller's belief that the Nixon In 1973, when I served as Secretary of State, David Rockefeller Administration "needed a little help". showed up in my office one day to tell me that he thought I That was 1973. By 1974, Nixon had resigned in disgrace and needed a little help. I must confess, the thought was not self- many of his key aides, including Haldeman and Ehrlichman, had evident to me at the moment. He proposed to forma group of been either dismissed or imprisoned. Only Kissinger, ever the Americans, Europeans and Japanese to look ahead into the opportunist and perhaps more acutely aware of the costs of defi- future. And I asked him, "Who's going to run this for you, ance, remained in place, above the fray. The Trilateral David?" He said, "Zbig Brzezinski..." I knew that Commission, meanwhile, went from strength to strength, holding Rockefeller meant it. He picked something that was impor - the founding session of its Executive Committee in Tokyo in tant... When I thought about it there actually was a need."° October 1973. In May 1975, the first plenary meeting of all of the Commission's regional groups—North America, Europe and Japan, If we pause to consider this encounter further, it tells us much comprising some 300 members—took place in Kyoto. In its Third about David's enormous power in the Annual Report, released in mid-1976, US political system. There are the Commission triumphantly noted arguably few people in this world, that in the US "there was noticeably especially those outside of govern- . increased emphasis on trilateral ties as ment, who can stride into the US But of immeasurably greater the cornerstone of American foreign ; ; and inf sags wi 19 State Department and inform the | significance was the fact that the =f Py". incumbent Secretary of State that as . so their Administration's foreign policy Trilateral Commission was has been found wanting, an organisa- | gy¢lysively dedicated to David's tion has been set up—to be headed oe by Brzezinski, one of the harshest vision of world order and to critics of Nixon's foreign policy and i iviel i long-time bitter rival of Kissinger— overcoming the divisions which to "help" them take a proper course. afflicted the CFR. Even fewer could expect to secure the immediate and unquestioning acquiescence of the Secretary of State, especially one with Kissinger's The "Broad Consensus" The creation of the Trilateral Commission was an important tri- umph for David Rockefeller; for almost single-handedly he had estab- lished a new elite policy-planning organisation, one that expanded the boundaries of the existing elite politi- cal network to include Japan. But of immeasurably greater significance was the fact that the Trilateral ego, who had earlier brazenly rejected demands from two Commission was exclusively dedicated to David's vision of world Establishment delegations that US forces be withdrawn from order and to overcoming the divisions which afflicted the CFR. Vietnam "immediately".'° Unless, of course, one is David However, as he was to increasingly complain, David was dogged Rockefeller. by allegations that the Commission was a "great conspiratorial Nevertheless, not being one to lose face willingly, especially body" which controlled the world and had "all sorts of evil designs before such a distinguished audience, Kissinger embellished his for the rest of the planet", with him identified as the "cabalist-in- account, suggesting the purpose of David's visit was to seek his chief". Naturally, he dismissed these accusations as "foolish attacks blessing for the trilateral venture—a blessing that he naturally, and _on false issues", "absurd" and the product of "pure and simple igno- modestly, gave: "And so I encouraged David to go ahead, thoughI —_rance". In truth, David insisted, the Commission was merely "a deserve no credit whatever for the consequences..." But history group of concerned citizens" interested in "fostering greater under- does not quite bear Kissinger out, for he did not become Secretary standing and cooperation among international allies", and whose of State until September 1973, by which time the Trilateral membership, he asserted in 1980, actually reflected a "broad range Commission was publicly up and running, rendering his blessing of political views". redundant. And even if we assume that the (then septuagenarian) Yet David's ridicule and claims of a "broad range of political manipulator's memory was faulty in his 1998 address, and that the views" flatly contradicted earlier statements by himself and other meeting with David actually took place earlier in 1973 when he was _Trilateralists confirming the Trilateral Commission's ideological still only Nixon's National Security Advisor, Kissinger's reputation uniformity, especially its commitment to liberal internationalism. fares no better. For example, the foreword to a collection of the Commission's Task If David's visit was indeed earlier in the year, it might explain Force reports, published in 1978, observed that despite some differ- Kissinger's "Year of Europe" speech, given in April 1973, which ences the "uniting element" in the Trilateral Commission was the curiously drew heavily on the trilateralist concept. Identifying the "broad consensus" that "the cooperation of the three regions is nec- need for "new types of cooperative action" to deal with arange of _ essary to assure smooth management of global interdependence". global problems, Kissinger called for a "new Atlantic Charter" The foreword was co-signed by the European Chairman Georges involving Western Europe, the US, Canada and "ultimately Berthoin, by the Japanese Chairman Takeshi Watanabe, and by the a7 Japan".'’ But Kissinger's "Year of Europe" was a defective version North American Chairman David Rockefeller. Other members But of immeasurably greater significance was the fact that the Trilateral Commission was _ exclusively dedicated to David's vision of world order and to- overcoming the divisions which afflicted the CFR. NEXUS 35 DECEMBER 2003 — JANUARY 2004 www.nexusmagazine.com