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Earlier at Harvard, he had argued that the peril of not unifying on such lines was more dramatic: The historic choice fast rushing upon us then, is no less than this: either the free nations of the world will take the lead in adapting the federal concept to their relations, or, one by one, we may be driven into the retreat of the perilous isolationism— political, economic and intellectual—so ardently sought by the Soviet policy of divide-and-conquer.* Even the demise of Communism would not free the US of this burden: [W]e face tasks which would be essentially the same even if Communism had never existed. We are required to work with the peoples of the world to develop a real world community. Though his hopes of reaching the White House were fading by the 1970s, Nelson Rockefeller still sought political relevance and did so by embracing the latest fad of environmentalism, and again inserted an internationalist bent. In his book, Our Environment Can Be Saved (1970), Nelson invoked the obvious international political implications for pre-empting environmental degradation, arguing that preventing the impending "environmental crisis" could "become an area of increased cooperation between nations". To that end, he recommended that the US should "help coordinate international planning for environmental controls".” Nelson Rockefeller also advocated the long-time liberal- internationalist argument that the US should promote global free trade to strengthen the free enterprise system and thus link together the other non-Communist parts of the world. He said there should be a "continuation and expansion of a liberal US trade policy" on the grounds that it not only helped developing countries but it benefited the US economy.” And in an argument that continues to be heard today as "open regionalism", Nelson argued that the formation of regional free trade groupings could be a means to establish global free trade: The regional arrangements in Europe and the Hemisphere should be used as patterns for the economic organization of other parts of the world. For the key fact is that no nation is capable of realizing its aspira - tions by its own efforts. Regional groups pursuing ever more liber - al trade policies towards each If Nelson's pri other could thus be a step towards the goal of a free world strangely fal trading system.” it is because r -p--- --o-- > -- on - form ion of regional free trade groupings could be a means to The Accidental Vice-President establish global free trade: Yet, as fate would have it, the political and personal self- The regional arrangements in Europe and the Hemisphere destruction of his nemesis, Richard Nixon, presented Nelson with should be used as patterns for the economic organization of an unexpected prize, and in December 1974, after a lengthy and other parts of the world. For the key fact is that no nation is revealing confirmation process by a suspicious Congress,™ he capable of realizing its aspira - became Vice-President in the short- tions by its own efforts. Regional lived Ford Administration. Despite groups pursuing ever more liber - Nelson being next in line for the al trade policies towards each If Nelson's proposals seem Presidency, his foreign policy other could thus be a step re pronouncements were few and far towards the goal of a free world strangely familiar now, between in that period. With his trading system.” it is because many of them protégé Henry Kissinger . commanding foreign policy as Taking this argument further, in a were endorsed In Secretary of State, Nelson had speech to the Executive Club in UN Secretary-General Boutros anticipated exercising control over Chicago in 1964, Nelson recommend- 0 domestic policy. However, Nelson ed that Washington should use its Boutros-Ghali's 1992 report, fell foul of Ford's Chief of Staff, political influence to "establish rules " " Donald Rumsfeld, who was under GATT, assuring that regional An Agenda for Peace . determined to keep the Vice- economic accords will move toward President powerless.” progressive trade liberalisation Although eventually appointed rather than further partitioning of Vice-Chairman of the Domestic world trade into compartments sealed off by preferences and dis - Council, Nelson found himself largely sidelined from decision- crimination" making. When describing his actual position, Nelson would quip: Nelson also endorsed the formation of a "world central bank" that "I go to funerals. I go to earthquakes.” His input into US foreign would "preclude crises and contribute to world-wide economic and national security policy was limited to serving on the advance", suggesting that the role of the International Monetary Commission on the Organization of Government for the Conduct of Fund be "broadened in that direction".” Foreign Policy in 1974, and more controversially as Chairman of Above all, the most consistent theme in Nelson's internationalist the Commission on CIA Activities within the United States in ideology was the importance of US leadership. The United States, 1975.” he argued in numerous forums, should take the lead in the building In the final analysis, though, Nelson's somewhat marginal role in of a worldwide federation, as the US had come into existence "for the Ford Administration is in itself of no consequence, for the the sake of an idea" that "man should be free to fulfil his unique and — Wilsonian liberal-internationalist agenda was adopted by Ford and individual destiny—a belief based upon our dedicated faith in the Kissinger anyway, although this is more attributable to the machi- brotherhood of all mankind". “The upheaval in the world will nations of David Rockefeller. Under the aegis of the Trilateral subside only with the emergence of a more or less generally accept- Commission, David had mobilised the Establishment against the ed international system", he wrote in 1968. "The goal is Realpolitik of the Nixon Administration with profound effect. order...though we cannot create order by ourselves, if surely can - | Gone was Nixon's previous talk of a "safer world" through an "even not come about without us."* balance" of all the great powers and disdain for the United America was too interconnected with the world to escape its Nations.” In its place was an uncharacteristic (especially for obligations, Nelson argued; in fact, "the true interests of America Kissinger) embrace of international law, institutionalised coopera- are interdependent with the interests of free world nations". The tion among the industrial powers (rather than alliances), and notions implications were obvious: of a "world community" and growing global "interdependence".* We must assume a role of leadership worthy of the United Indeed, as the head of the Council on Foreign Relations' "1980s States and commensurate with our own best interests as well Project" observed in 1976, "President Ford's fulsome statements at as those of the free world as a whole. the Western summits of Rambouillet and San Juan and many of If Nelson's proposals seem strangely familiar now, it is because many of them were endorsed in UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali's 1992 report, "An Agenda for Peace". JUNE — JULY 2003 NEXUS = 31 www.nexusmagazine.com