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further their common interests. In recent elections, ultra-right candidate Pat Buchanan appealed simultaneously to "populist" anti-corporate and anti-government sentiments among the working class, as well as to xenophobic white racism. Buchanan's critique of corporate power was shallow, but it was often the only such critique permitted in the corporate-controlled media. One cannot help but wonder: were the corporations looking for a lightning rod to rechannel the anger building against them? While Buchanan had no chance of winning the presidency, his candidacy did raise the spectre of another kind of solution to the emerging crisis of popular resentment against the system—a solution that again has roots in the history of the past century. further their common interests. In recent elections, ultra-right resorting to stormtroopers and concentration camps. No candidate Pat Buchanan appealed simultaneously to "populist" deliberate conspiracy is necessary, either: each corporation anti-corporate and anti-government sentiments among the __ merely acts to further its own economic interests. If the populace working class, as well as to xenophobic white racism. Buchanan's shows signs of restlessness, politicians can be hired to appeal to critique of corporate power was shallow, but it was often the only racial resentments and memories of national glory, dividing such critique permitted in the corporate-controlled media. One _ popular opposition and inspiring loyalty. cannot help but wonder: were the corporations looking for a In the current situation, "friendly fascism" works somewhat as lightning rod to rechannel the anger building against them? follows. Corporations drive down wages and pay a dwindling While Buchanan had no chance of winning the presidency, his share of taxes (through mechanisms outlined above), gradually candidacy did raise the spectre of another kind of solution to the — impoverishing the middle class and creating unrest. As corporate emerging crisis of popular resentment against the system—a _ taxes are cut, politicians (whose election was funded by corporate solution that again has roots in the history of the past century. donors) argue that it is necessary to reduce government services in order to balance the budget. Meanwhile, the same politicians A FALSE REVOLUTION argue for an increase in the repressive functions of government In the early 1900s, workers in Italy and Germany built strong (more prisons, harsher laws, more executions, more military unions and won substantial concessions in wages and work spending). Politicians channel the middle class's rising resent- conditions; still, after World War I they suffered under a _ ment away from corporations and toward the government (which, disastrous postwar economy, which fanned unrest. During the _ after all, is now less helpful and more repressive than it used to early 1920s, heavy industry and big finance were in a state of be) and against social groups easy to scapegoat (criminals, near-total collapse. Bankers and agribusiness associations offered minorities, teenagers, women, gays, immigrants). financial support to Mussolini—who had been a socialist before Meanwhile, debate in the media is kept superficial (elections the war—to seize state power, which he effectively did in 1922 are treated as sporting contests), and right-wing commentators are following his march on Rome. subsidised while left-of-centre ones are Within two years, the Fascist Party marginalised. People who feel cheat- (from the Latin fasces, meaning a bundle of rods and an axe, ed by the system turn to the Right for solace, and vote for politicians who Meanwhile, debate in symbolising Roman state power) the media is kept superficial further subsidise corporations, cut had shut down all opposition l . d government services, expand the newspapers, crushed the socialist, (e ections are treated as repressive power of the state and offer Uber. Catholic, soothe and sporting contests), and relevant fcapegoats for social pro. republican parties (which hai . h . ems with economic roots. e together commanded about 80 per rig t-wing commentators are process feeds on itself. cent of the vote) abolished unions, subsidised while left-of-centre B wine this scenario, (George Ww. outlawed strikes and privatised farm . . ush (and similar ultra-right figures in cooperatives. ones are marginalised. other countries) are not anomalies but, In Germany, Hitler led the Nazi rather, predictable products of a Party to power, then cut wages and strategy adopted by economic elites— subsidised industries. harbingers of a less-than-friendly In both countries, corporate profits ballooned. Understandably, future—as the more "moderate" tactics for the maintenance and given their friendliness to big business, Fascism and Nazism were _ consolidation of power founder under the weight of corporate popular among some prominent American industrialists (such as greed and resource exhaustion. Henry Ford) and opinion shapers (like William Randolph Hearst). Fascism and Nazism relied on centrally controlled propaganda © CAUSE FOR HOPE? campaigns that cleverly co-opted the language of the Left (the These circumstances are, in their details, unprecedented; but in Nazis called themselves the National Socialist German Workers broad outline we are seeing the re-enactment of a story that goes Party—while persecuting socialists and curtailing workers’ back at least to the beginning of civilisation. Those with power rights). Both movements also made calculated use of emotionally are always looking for ways to protect and extend it, and to make charged symbolism: scapegoating minorities, appealing to mythic their power seem legitimate, necessary or invisible so that popular images of a glorious national past, building a leader cult, glorify- protest seems unnecessary or futile. If protest comes, the power- ing war and conquest, and preaching that the only proper role of _ ful always try to deflect anger away from themselves. The leaders women is as wives and mothers. of the new populist movement appear to have a good grasp of As political theorist Michael Parenti points out, historians often both the current circumstances and the historical ground from overlook Fascism's economic agenda—the partnership between —_ which these circumstances emerge. They seem to have realised Big Capital and Big Government—in their analysis of its that, in order to succeed, the new populism will have to: authoritarian social program. Indeed, according to Bertram Gross * avoid being co-opted by existing political parties; in his startlingly prescient Friendly Fascism (1980), it is possible * heal race, class and gender divisions and actively resist any to achieve fascist goals within an ostensibly democratic society. campaign to scapegoat disempowered social groups; Corporations themselves, after all, are internally authoritarian ¢ avoid being identified with an ideological category—"com- (courts have ruled that citizens give up their constitutional rights munist", "socialist" or "anarchist"—against which most of the to free speech, freedom of assembly, etc., when they are at work _ public is already well inoculated by corporate propaganda; on corporate-owned property); and as corporations increasingly dominate politics, media and economy, they can mould an entire ued on page 80 society to serve the interests of a powerful elite without ever Meanwhile, debate in the media is kept superficial (elections are treated as sporting contests), and right-wing commentators are subsidised while left-of-centre ones are marginalised. CAUSE FOR HOPE? These circumstances are, in their details, unprecedented; but in broad outline we are seeing the re-enactment of a story that goes back at least to the beginning of civilisation. Those with power are always looking for ways to protect and extend it, and to make their power seem legitimate, necessary or invisible so that popular protest seems unnecessary or futile. If protest comes, the power- ful always try to deflect anger away from themselves. The leaders of the new populist movement appear to have a good grasp of both the current circumstances and the historical ground from which these circumstances emerge. They seem to have realised that, in order to succeed, the new populism will have to: * avoid being co-opted by existing political parties; ¢ heal race, class and gender divisions and actively resist any campaign to scapegoat disempowered social groups; ° avoid being identified with an ideological category—"com- "socialist" or "anarchist"—against which most of the public is already well inoculated by corporate propaganda; Continued on page 80 14 ¢ NEXUS www.nexusmagazine.com OCTOBER — NOVEMBER 2002